Caste-based discrimination is in news once again in Kathmandu, propelled by the rare courage shown by Rupa Sunar to not quietly accept the fact that an “upper caste” family in Kathmandu refused to rent her rooms just based on her caste. Indeed, Rupa Sunar is not the first person to be refused room rental because of their caste, nor the first person to take legal action against caste-based discrimination in room rental. Karuna Bishwakarma and Deepa Nepali are two other examples of young Dalit women who spoke up and are still fighting for justice.

The difference in this case is that the landlady is an “upper caste” Newa who belongs to an ethnic and linguistic minority that has long been oppressed by the state. There is no doubt some validity to the claim that the Khas Brahmin-dominated media has been gleefully fanning the fire, happy about the opportunity to deflect the criticism from themselves. But the fact remains that there was fire to begin with. Saraswati Pradhan has acknowledged that caste was the reason she could not rent to Rupa Sunar. It is irrelevant that she sounded very pleasant while delivering an unpleasant, and illegal, message. The situation was made worse by the fact the Education Minister, Krishna Gopal Shrestha, himself an “upper caste” Newa personally went in an official vehicle to get Saraswati Pradhan released. Furor increased, justifiably, not only among Khas Dalits but also caste-oppressed Newas and others committed to caste abolition because a representative of the state had publicly flaunted his power on behalf of the perpetrator.

The “upper caste” Newas, used to portraying themselves only as the victims of state oppression, suddenly found themselves on the crossfire as the oppressors clinging to caste-based hierarchies. In order to defend themselves, Newa leaders are trying to portray it as a Khas vs Newa issue, one more way the Khas community that controls the state is oppressing Newa community. Indeed, the entire Newa community has legitimate complaints against the Khas-controlled state. There have been attacks on our language, culture, and even livelihoods in the name of national unity and development. Of course, Newas are not the only ones whose land and language has been attacked. Along with the Tamangs in the hills, Tharus in the flatlands, and many other indigenous and minority communities, Newa anger against the state is valid. But this case does not fall under that rubric. It is, unfortunately, a case where someone within the Newa community is the perpetrator of injustice.

Some Newa leaders have also wrongfully accused Rupa Sunar of taking money from the European Union to make false allegations against Saraswati Pradhan. It is ironic that a community that considers itself oppressed is using the oppressors’ language to deflect the criticism towards itself, more so when it comes from people who have branded themselves as human rights activists.

The Newa leaders are also trying to portray Newa community as a monolith, glossing over caste hierarchies and class discrepancies. They keep referring to the decade-old declaration and public statement as the proof that the community has been rid of all hierarchies. Even among those who consider themselves to hold progressive values, few are willing to reflect on their structural privilege or their role in continued caste-based discrimination within the community. Even those who have issued public apology to the Khas and Madhesi Dalits are unwilling to admit the inequalities and injustice within the community. It is possible that some of them genuinely believe that caste is history because they do not overtly discriminate and do not have to think about it in their daily lives. But it is important to remember that caste blindness is a luxury afforded to those at the higher end of the hierarchy who do not regularly engage with others further down the hierarchy as friends or family members.

Indeed, the caste hierarchy within the Newa community is different from Khas or Maithil communities, or as it exists in India. Rules of inclusion and exclusion are different. Caste groups that are considered higher or lower in the hierarchy are different. But regardless of how the details manifest in different communities, the underlying structure is the same — discrimination based on birth. It is not enough to point out the anomalies or few examples of people overcoming barriers to argue that the Newa community has rid itself of the caste system. Caste abolition is only possible when we come together and create joint strategies. But before that, we have to start with the acknowledgement that caste-based discrimination continues to be a lived reality and there are many Rupas, Karunas, and Deepas within Newa community.

If declarations could wipe away discrimination, there would be no injustice left in the world. There would be no racism, sexism, homophobia or any other forms of structural injustices. Every country, every community, at some point, must have made a statement against social ills. The United Nations General Assembly alone has 560 conventions and counting, upholding rights of women, of indigenous communities, of religious minorities and more. Yet, injustice remains a reality across the world. The Nepali Constitution, a legal document unlike the aforementioned declaration, also recognizes Nepal as a country free of caste-based discrimination. Yet, caste-based discrimination remains within the Newa community and within the broader Nepali society.

Indeed, things have changed and discrimination based solely on someone’s caste has become less visible. Especially in urban areas where people do not know each others’ family histories, it has become easier to go unnoticed or avoid caste conversations. For most parts, people are able to mingle in schools, in workplaces as equals, and of course, it is impossible to maintain “purity” in crowded public buses or in movie theaters.

Many families have started allowing their friends to enter their homes and even share meals, regardless of their caste backgrounds. Some also rent out their spare rooms. But even among those families, double standards persist. It is ok to touch running water, but still water will become impure. It is ok to enter the living room, but not the kitchen and never the pooja room.

Family is the sphere where the power of caste remains the strongest, more than any other part of the society; who can become family, who can remain family is determined by caste.

Caste is what forces a young person to choose between love and family. Most end up choosing the path of least resistance and renege on their promises and their love. Many choose their life partners only among the eligible, whether in arranged or love marriage, to prevent future heartaches, and thus, knowingly or unwittingly perpetuate the caste hierarchies.

The few who choose love against the antiquated and unjust worldview may be hailed as the vanguards of change in small progressive circles, but the coast is not clear for them even after they make the decision. Many are forcibly separated against their will, especially those who marry young. The extreme cases that end in death become news — the “lower caste” spouse killed by the family of the “upper caste” one like those of Ajit Mijar, Nabaraj BK, or Angira Pasi. News does not automatically translate into justice, or even nominal action as Ajit Mijar’s body still in the morgue in the Teaching Hospital in Kathmandu proves.

Intercaste marriages are becoming more accepted, even if not fully embraced. Among the Newas, there has not been any recent news about deaths for choosing a life partner outside of the accepted groups. But an overwhelming majority of those who choose intercaste families face everyday discriminations, death by a thousand cuts, each cut too small to be newsworthy. Many are entirely cut off from their immediate and extended families. Among Newas, men who marry someone considered beneath them are excommunicated from guthis, the much-vaunted system of communal wellbeing. As guthis are patriarchal structures, the rules of excommunication only apply to men. Even those who have a semblance of normal relationships with their family members are often excluded from major religious functions and even prevented from mourning the death of their loved ones by participating in their last rites.

When we talk about the caste system, we often only discuss the problem of untouchability. Indeed, untouchability is the worst form of caste system. However, caste hierarchy also shows up in who gets to lead a community, who gets to set the narrative about the community as well. We have a long history of Newa leadership in the fight against caste injustice and to uphold Dalit rights. When we discuss Newa history, we talk about Padma Ratna Tuladhar going to Dalit settlements, we talk about Dharma Ratna Yami changing his caste. It is worth questioning the role caste plays in the fact that we rarely talk about pathbreaking anti-caste activists like Saharsha Nath Kapali, the or Mithai Devi Bishwakarma.

We critique and complain about overrepresentation of Khas Bahuns and Chhettris in Nepal, as we should. But, if we use the same lens within the Newa community, we will find that only a handful of last names are overrepresented as well. Regardless of whether they are Buddhist or Hindu, majority of the Newas in leadership positions in politics, education, or NGO/INGO sector all come from the castes considered to be the highest among Newas. The list of the vanguards of Newa language and literature also repeats the same few last names. It is not possible to argue that inherent merit is concentrated in only a small part of the community. How can we in good faith fight against the injustice against the Newas while turning a blind eye towards injustice within the community?

Of course, things have morphed over time. Some things have gotten easier, but only the heart that has experienced suffering understands the pain of discrimination. Those who are preaching patience, heralding miniscule changes and ignoring the ongoing injustice, must understand that not feeling the sense of urgency is itself a luxury only available to those who do not have to live with oppression. The least they can do is to listen and validate the experiences of those who are living with everyday experiences of discrimination, and of course if they are brave enough, they can pick up the jackhammer and join in the fight to smash the caste system.

Death By A Thousand Cuts: Newa Community & The Caste System

कान्तिपुर टेलिभिजनमा हाल १२ एपिसोडको छोटो शृंखला “जातको प्रश्न” प्रसारण भैरहेको छ। शायद महानायकको रुपमा चिनिने राजेश हमाल प्रस्तोता रहेको कारणले पनि होला यो कार्यक्रम धेरै दर्शकहरु माझ पुग्न सफल भएको छ। लाखौँ मान्छेले हरेक हप्ता नबिराई हेरेर जातको बिषयमा छलफल नेपालभरी र नेपाली आप्रवासी भएका सबै ठाउँमा पुगेको छ।

केहि आलोचना पनि भएको छ — कार्यक्रमको प्रस्तुति, अतिथीहरुका साथसाथै राजेश हमालको छनौटको बारे पनि। केहि हदसम्म यी प्रश्नहरु वैध नै छन्। मेरा पनि केहि आलोचनाहरु छन्। भन्नै पर्दा जातको प्रश्न एउटा औसत कार्यक्रमको रुपमा प्रस्तुत भएको छ। केहि त्रुटी, कमजोरीहरु छन्। कतै कतै अलि गृहकार्य गर्न नपुगेको हो कि भन्ने पनि लाग्यो। निखार्न मिल्ने ठाउँ अझै छन्। तर कोरोनाको महामारीको समयमा लक्डाउनको अनिश्चितताको बीचमा कार्यक्रम बनाउन लागिपरेको टीमको सराहना गर्नैपर्छ।

मेरो मुख्य प्रश्न थियो सबै जसो अतिथीहरु “उपल्लो” जातका पुरुष नै किन? के अरुले जातको बिषयमा कुरा राख्न मिल्दैन? तर पछि रियलाइज भयो कार्यक्रममा अतिथीहरु निर्णायक तहका व्यक्तिहरु थिए। भने पछि सोध्नु पर्ने प्रश्न त अर्कै रहेछ — निर्णायक तहमा किन सबै उपल्लो जातका पुरुषहरु छन्? महानायकको पदवीका दाबेदार हमाल नै किन? कलाकारदेखि पत्रकार, न्यायाधीश, प्रमुख जिल्ला अधिकारी, सरकारी कर्मचारी, राजनीतिज्ञसम्म नेपालको सम्पूर्ण क्षेत्रमा एउटै समुदायको बाहुल्यता किन?

कार्यक्रमको गुणस्तरको कुरा गर्ने नै हो भने के कान्तिपुर टेलिभिजन वा अरु नेपालमा बन्ने कार्यक्रमहरुमा सबै कुरा मिलेका हुन्छन? सयमा एक-दुई मात्रै त हो नि उत्कृष्ट हुने। के उपेक्षित समुदायलाई गल्ती गर्ने, औसत हुने अनुमति छैन? के दलित समुदाय वा अरु उपेक्षित वर्गको नेतृत्वमा बनेको हरेक कार्यक्रम उत्कृष्ट हुनै पर्छ?

हुन त जातको विषयमा राष्ट्रिय टेलिभिजनमा यसरी कुरा राख्न पाउने थोरै मात्रै अवसर हुने हुनाले सबै पाटा सम्हालेर राम्रो गरेर देखाउने मौका गुमेको हो कि भन्ने पनि लाग्न सक्छ। यस अघि जातिभेदको आवाज देशभरी फैलाएको टेलिशृंखला दलन आएको करीब एक दशक पछि जातको प्रश्न आएको छ। फेरी अर्को अवसर कहिले आउने हो? त्यसैले यहि मौकामा एकदम राम्रो गरेर देखाउनु पर्छ। हो, सकेसम्म राम्रो गर्ने कोशिश त हुनुपर्छ तर साथसाथै यो पनि सोध्नु पर्यो कि — हामीले जातिभेदको कुरा राष्ट्रिय टेलिभिजनमा उठाउन किन एक दशक पर्खिनु पर्यो? के अझै अर्को कार्यक्रमको लागि एक दशक पर्खिनु पर्ने हो?

यदि दश वर्षमा एउटाको साटो बर्षमा दश वटा जात सम्बन्धि कार्यक्रम आउँदो हो त के हामी हरेक कार्यक्रमलाई यसरी नै आक्थ्यौं? शायद निष्पक्ष रुपमा कुरा गर्न, मूल्याङकन गर्न र आलोचनालाई अङ्गाल्न पनि सजिलो हुन्थ्यो होला। जातको प्रश्न जतिसुकै उत्कृष्ट भए पनि, जति सुकै हिट भए पनि एउटा टेलिभिजन कार्यक्रमले जातिभेद निम्ट्यान्न पार्ने पनि त होइन। यो त जातिभेद विरुद्धको अभियानमा एउटा अर्को सानो पाइला मात्रै हो र आम संचार क्षेत्रमा काम गर्ने, सिक्ने एउटा अवसर पनि।

राजेश हमाल, कान्तिपुर टेलिभिजन र निर्माताहरुको आलोचनाको बीचमा बिर्सिएको नाम हो निर्देशक शान्ता नेपालीको। यस कार्यक्रमबाट एक युवा दलित महिलाले आफ्नो कला खार्ने मौका मिलेको छ। यसो भन्दै दलित महिलाले गरको यत्ति पनि धेरै हो भन्दै ताली बजाउने भनेको होइन — त्यो त प्रशंसाको नाममा गरिने अपमान हो। तर सिक्ने त गर्दै गर्दै नै हो, यदि अभ्यास नै गर्न नपाए कसरी बन्छ प्रतिभाको पाइपलाइन?

पाइपलाइनको कुरा गर्दा नेपाल भाषाको पहिलो फिल्म सिलु सम्झिन्छु। नेवा समुदायबाट निर्देशक नभेटिएर निर्देशनको जिम्मा प्रदीप रिमाललाई दिईएको थियो। नेपाल भाषा बोल्ने निर्देशक हुनु पनि कसरी — सिलु बन्न अघि नेपाल भाषा मात्र होइन खस नेपाली बाहेक कुनै पनि भाषामा फिल्म बनेकै थिएन नेपालमा। निर्देशक मात्र होइन अनुभवी कलाकार पनि कमै थिए। मदन कृष्ण, हरिबंश बाहेक सबै जसो कलाकारहरुको लागि पहिलो फिल्मी अवसर थियो। सिलु बाट करियर शुरु गरेका कलाकार नवीना श्रेष्ठ मुलधारका फिल्ममा पनि पुग्न सफल भएका थिए।

प्राविधिक रुपमा सिलु एउटा औसत फिल्म थियो। अहिले जस्तो सामाजिक सन्जाल हुँदो हो त धेरै आलोचना सुनिन्थ्यो होला । धेरै जसो आलोचना सहि पनि हुन्थे होलान्। तर त्यस फिल्मले मेरा अजी जस्ता नेपाल भाषा मात्रै बुझ्ने हजारौं व्यक्तिहरुलाई हलमा गएर फिल्म हेर्ने मौका दियो। साथसाथै अन्य भाषाका फिल्म बनाउने बाटो खुल्यो। एक भाषा-एक देशको नीति भएको बेला अर्को भाषामा फिल्म बनाउनु मात्रै पनि एक किसिमको प्रतिरोध थियो। यी अन्य पाटाहरुको मुल्यांकन कसरी गर्ने?

यो त भयो तीन दशक अगाडीको कुरा। अहिले पनि बराबरी र सम्मानित प्रतिनिधित्वको लागि संघर्ष जारी नै छ। संघर्ष दलित समुदायको मात्रै होइन। मधेसी मूलका कलाकार, निर्देशकहरुलाई अवसर नदिने, अन्य समुदायका व्यक्तिले कालो मोसो दलेर कमेडिको नाममा स्टिरियोटाइप गर्ने, खिसी गर्ने उदाहरणहरु त हामीले यसै वर्ष पनि देखेकै छौं। त्यस्तै अन्य अल्पसंख्यक समुदायहरुलाई गुण्डा, आतंकवादी आदि रुपमा प्रस्तुत गर्ने चलन पनि छँदैछ ।

समस्या नेपालमा मात्रै पनि होइन। समसामयिक हलिवुडकै कुरा गर्ने हो भने नेपालमा पनि शुटिङ्ग भएको डाक्टर स्ट्रेन्ज फिल्ममा तिब्बती पुरुष पात्रलाई बदलेर गोरा महिला बनाइएको थियो र त्यसलाई नारीवादको उदाहरणको रुपमा प्रस्तुत गरिएको थियो। २०१७मा घोस्ट इन द शेलमा जापानी पात्रलाई गोरा कलाकार स्कार्लेट जोहान्सनले खेलेर विवाद भएको थियो।

त्यसको एक वर्ष पछि क्रेजी रिच एसियन फिल्म बन्यो। ठुलो बजेटमा नामी कलाकारहरु भएको फिल्म भए पनि त्यसमा समस्याहरु थिए। एसियन समुदाय भित्रै पनि धेरै आलोचना भए फिल्मको वर्गभेद, रंगभेदको बारे। तर बीस वर्ष पछि पुरै एसियन कलाकारहरु भएको फिल्म हेर्न पाएर संयक्त राज्य अमेरिकामा रहेका अधिकांश एसियनहरु खुशी थिए। अदृश्य भएर बसेको समुदाय मुलधारमा आउनु नै पनि एक किसिमको क्रान्ति हो। क्रेजी रिच एसियनले गर्दा हलिवुडमा अहिले अरु एसियन मूलका लेखक, निर्देशक र कलाकारहरुको लागि बाटो खुलेको छ र अरु प्रगतिशील फिल्म, टेलिशृंखलाहरु आउने बाटो पनि केही हदसम्म खुलेको छ।

त्यसरी नै जातको प्रश्नले दलित समुदायको मुद्दालाई राष्ट्रिय मंचसम्म फेरी पुर्याएको छ। शायद यसले दलित मात्र होइन अन्य समुदायका नसुनिएका कथाहरु बाहिर ल्याउन पनि सहयोग गर्ने छ। त्यसैले दलित समुदायका साथसाथै जातिभेद अन्त्य गर्न लागिपरेका हामी सबैले यसका कमी कमजोरीहरुलाई आत्मसात गर्दै खुशियाली मनाउनु पर्छ भन्ने लाग्छ।

मुख्य प्रश्न त अब पाखा पारिएको, ओझेलमा परेको समुदायहरुले आफ्नो कथा राष्ट्रिय मन्चमा ल्याउनको लागि दशक-दशक कुर्न नपर्ने वातावरण बनाउन तपाईं हाम्रो भूमिका के हो?

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Death By A Thousand Cuts: Newa Community & The Caste System

“जातको प्रश्न”ले उठाएका प्रश्नहरु